(明報)2009年10月11日 星期日 05:10
【明報專訊】一貫主流社會的認知之中，文化有高低之分、藝術有嚴肅與流行之分。
在戲劇大師鍾景輝的美學觀點中，好些詹瑞文 的劇場表演恐怕就夠不上是真正的戲劇藝術。
在一些「超模」和「名模」眼中，一眾其實跟她們同樣是以「色」作為商品銷售的「女孩」，
例如周秀娜、Lavina 之輩，就大概只算是不入流之女流，
在傳媒和坊間中，也就有人創製了「口靚模」和「口靚界女神」等的稱謂，
以識別不同類型、不同級數的模特兒行業裏的人 。
以高/低文化對立這種看法，作類比伸延，去理解目前的「口靚模」現像，我們看到，（1）這可以是一個精英與普及、中產與基層的權力抗衡的問題；（2）也可以看成是一個在科技文化飛躍中，文化民主化、文化商品化、商品的生產與消費急速加劇的生活現像。（3）更廣泛引起大眾關注的是「口靚模」現像中的元素——「性」及其連帶的道德、價值、教育等問題，從這角度來看，這更是一個情色（eroticism）的文化政治課題。（4）積極一點來看，在當下「口靚模」熱的潮流消費中，是不是也有辦法，在其中挖掘那怕只是一點點的抗衡主流價值主宰的可能呢？那我們就嘗試把「口靚模」理解為一個普及文化生產與消費中的一種文化游擊戰，即是﹕庶民可以怎樣踰越規範，並在消費生活中為自己帶來一些創新的、有意義東西，又獲取抗衡的愉悅。
這裏解讀的「周秀娜」，是加了引號的「周秀娜」，即是被呈現的「周秀娜」，我們身處的社會文化狀况生產了「口靚模」和「周秀娜」，「口靚模」這一商品生產造就了「周秀娜」，同時「周秀娜」也形塑了「口靚模」，時勢造英雌抑或英雌造時勢，其關係是互動的雙向生產。
自1960年代以還，文化研究工作者努力去消解高和低文化這二元對立概念，認為其界線早已在內爆中、消解中，從意義生產的觀點來看，高和低文化都是表意的符號系統，都可以是意識形態工具，建構或/並質疑權力關係，高和低文化都可以是複雜的意識形態的攻防戰。在這樣的認識下，討論「口靚模」和「周秀娜」可先詰問高/低文化二元對立，並思考「周秀娜」現像怎麼成為了「口靚模」現像的現像。
抗衡主流文化 辯護色情權利
「口靚模」現像揭示了我們的生活狀况，日趨商品化的社會，愈來愈走近德博（Debord）所論的景觀社會（society of the spectacle）﹕社會生活已完全被商品殖民了，極目所見，都是商品，我們見到的世界，就是商品的世界，景觀社會宣告了表象支配一切，人類的整體社會生活，都不過是表象罷了。前述科技文化加劇商品的生產與消費、文化商品化和文化民主化，藝術和專業技巧被科技及商業行為快速消解，以攝影及模特兒行業為例，就見到幾乎人人都可以做攝影師，人人都可以是「model」，商品銷售幾乎必然跟情色融合，以女性身體（當然也有男性的）推銷商品，又愈走向布希亞（Baudrillard）所論的擬像社會，許多人是在消費商品的符號，多於、甚或不是商品本身，周秀娜的攬枕，被消費的是符號「周秀娜」，不是那個枕，其交換價值，也是「周秀娜」這個符號，重要的問題，都繫於這符號所產生的意義。同時，一眾「口靚模」迷，包括十三歲的小朋友，在書展 購買「周秀娜攬枕」，這種原本應該是睡房內的愛慾戀物之情色，移到公眾空間下無愧色的表達出來，愈發浸透費斯克（John Fiske）所講的，抗衡主流文化支配實踐中產生的規避的愉悅（evasive pleasure）。
首要的，是「口靚模」這符號的情色元素（與色情pornography有別）。巴塔耶（Bataille）的論述，也許有助我們處理情色與尋常生活。他認為情色是所有瞬間最濃烈的一刻，所以也是人類精神崇高之巔。情色是所有疑難的疑難，人只要是情色的動物，人就是自己的疑難，情色是我們自身的疑難之部。如果我們願意循巴塔耶的理路再思可怎樣看待情色與色情，就讓我們充分考慮甯應斌和何春蕤（編者）在《色情無價﹕認真看待色情》一書所倡議的「需要辯護色情的基本權利」，情色/色情「有其歷史社會文化價值」，並「承載了社會開放、文化前衛或政治反抗的意義」。在這樣的前提下，就看到情色在尋常文化生活中怎樣能有開拓多重意義的可能。
《紅樓夢》是色情小說？
高/低文化同樣可以情色，《紅樓夢》可以是不適合年青人閱讀，因為寶玉是極反叛之徒，小說中性的內容也不少（異性、同性愛，自慰都有），《牡丹亭》突破女子的情慾樊籬，去發夢思春 （〈驚夢〉），去「幽媾」，〈玩真〉一折，柳夢梅對著杜麗娘的畫像再三歌唱把玩，令人聯想到「宅男」對「周秀娜攬枕」的可能把玩，大抵情慾結構頗相近。「西廂誨淫」，是封建時代的定議（寶玉是反對的），今天卻是殿堂文學。弔詭之處，是封建時代的審查官明察秋毫，一眼看到其中幾近色情的情色喻像，第四本第一折張生和鶯鶯魚水歡，張生一折演和唱到底，「我將這鈕扣兒鬆，縷帶兒解」，「檀口搵香鰓」，鶯鶯則「將柳腰款擺，花心輕拆，露滴牡丹開」，雲雨情歡之後，張生還問﹕「何時重解香羅帶？」我們是不是要用高檔文化為理由去容納情色，以「低俗」為理由去同時指摘排斥流行文化過於情色呢？
性挑逗廣告 獨禁周秀娜
「口靚模」又是否「等而下之」？這卻未必。「口靚模」當然呈示了情色商品化、符號化的消費資本主義社會狀態；但，日常生活上的類近例子不勝枚舉。MAGNUM電視廣告的重現母題——大特寫女性紅唇咬啜朱古力雪糕條的頂端——其強烈的性隱喻十分赤裸。而其表現的情慾挑逗，比起周秀娜那被禁播的（我姑且戲題為）「沙灘上的愛神」廣告，至少是同一班的。當然，MAGNUM並無女比基尼女郎，但其他廣告例子可多了，例如「易速纖X」有一廣告，名模琦琦 的比基尼身體以中產美麗形像呈現，廣告整體調子健康、歡欣和家庭面向（有兩名小孩出現），對男和女（因不同原因）都渴望想要的女性身體，其表達手法和策略很成功而安全地迎合了主流的道德界線。但「女體商品」這一層面的性質跟「口靚模」的則如一。又有些廣告，意識形態更強化父權，例如果汁先生有一款廣告，描述果汁先生在游泳池裏半潛水，用潛望鏡偷窺泳池邊一年青比基尼女郎，刻劃了一被動的、缺乏主體性的可慾的客體，被男性的凝視所消費。什麼小姐選美，類同。在這裏的三點情色呈現——情慾挑逗、女體商品和被男性的凝視消費——同時見諸周秀娜的「沙灘上的愛神」，這也許是它/她的致命原因。
不過，這廣告的敘述結構（雖然襲用自一個常見的模式），卻在物化和情色化周秀娜的比基尼身體的同時，弔詭地建構了廣告裏角色的女性主體，「周秀娜」主動的逗弄了兩年青男孩的情色慾求，但又挫敗了他們男性凝視的終極目標，一個可以是用來滿足男性自慰幻想的敘述結構，在這裏被瓦解了，致令其男性性幻想未竟全功。費斯克所論，在流行文化運作中主流和弱勢之間權力和意識形態的爭奪中，踰越規矩而獲取的抗衡的愉悅，就可能在這廣告裏體現出來。於支配權威和弱勢顛覆交涉較勁的混沌處境中，這或者是一個可能與不可能的閱讀，但周秀娜另一個（姑且命為）「我要高飛」的詩琳廣告，就不可能不是正能量了吧？廣告中一年青女子仰望周秀娜在摩天大廈外牆的巨型比基尼海報，立心向香港名模的目標進發，夢想正當，自由奮進。
凡此種種，且讓我們試試看，有沒有可能在「口靚模」現像裏、在消費普及文化中為自己詮釋並創製一點點意義，去抗衡主流建制的宰制、去反思「口靚模」有什麼丁點的「意義」罷。
文 李小良
2009年10月11日 星期日
2009年10月8日 星期四
寬容善待網絡言論自由 激發人民推動國家發展
港聞A02
明報
2009-10-09
社評
包括作家、學者和律師在內的內地知識界15人，昨日聯署在互聯網發表《網絡人權宣言》（下稱《宣言》），呼籲當局尊重公民的網絡言論自由。《宣言》所表述的理念，並無新意，離不開一般要求言論自由的窠臼，但是在內地當局對網絡控制嚴密之下，他們提出這個《宣言》，仍要頗大勇氣。我們希望當局首先不要打壓《宣言》的發起人，而是寬容善待網絡言論自由，使之成為推動國家社會建設和發展的積極力量。
互聯網是推進文明的工具
思想閉塞將在競爭中吃虧
《宣言》認為現在是網絡公民傳播時代，網絡公民合法地發表言論、報道真相，是行使公民權利，不應受到超出法律範圍以外的審查和干擾，發表意見應有免於恐懼的自由和權利。當局應尊重採訪發表權及編輯權，而網民亦應擁有匿名表達權、網絡資訊搜索權等。《宣言》所提到的理念和具體訴求，在中國大陸以外的許多國家和地區已是理所當然的事，只是在內地，當局在網絡審查的範圍、力度和標準，有別於大多數國家和地區，互聯網成為控制言論自由的工具。
全球互聯網有40年的歷史，中國互聯網則是15年前才開始發展，其啟動較晚，但是發展迅猛。據中國互聯網信息中心的發布顯示，到今年6月底，中國網民規模達到3.38億，已經超過美國的人口總數，網民數量居全球第一，然而中國互聯網普及率只有25.5%，遠遠落後於美國80%的比例，中國互聯網還有巨大的發展空間。有人預測3年後中國網民將達到6億，這一數字將是美國、英國等6個發達國家網民數量的總和。
互聯網把全球人口緊密地聯結起來，人類的每一個行為已經離不開它，《宣言》說互聯網給人類社會帶來的革命性變化和進步，「無異於遠古時代的鐵與火、與輪對文明進程的影響」。這個論斷，符合互聯網所擔負的角色和起到的作用。正如其他推進文明的發明一樣，個人、族群以至國家，誰能夠更善於利用推進文明的工具，就可以在激烈的競爭中脫穎而出。互聯網就是這類性質的工具。
全球人類正在使用互聯網，一方面是交流接觸，另一方面也在透過互聯網競賽，判出優勝劣敗。這樣的競爭形態，開放的寬緊程度縱非決定性因素，肯定也是重要因素。一個閉塞社會的人民，在互聯網世界中遇到開放自由的對手，就會很吃虧。
互聯網帶來資訊爆炸，好的或壞的資訊宛如泥沙俱下，一些國家地區對於互聯網上例如色情資訊等，都有一定程度的審查限制。內地執法部門多年前已構築所謂「金盾工程」，或俗稱「防火長城」的網絡審查系統，但是內地網路審查目的和標準，並非單純為了保護兒童與維護社會安全，而是一部分為了封鎖新聞言論，並侵犯了言論自由和基本人權。
內地異見人士被拘捕、監禁，當局以他們在互聯網發表的言論、文章，為「罪證」，胡佳、劉曉波、譚作人等等盡皆如是。因此，內地網絡警察確有藉監察互聯網，把刑事案件犯罪分子繩之於法，收效也顯著；但是，網絡警察藉互聯網監控異見人士，把互聯網視為政治控制的平台，進而逼害異見人士，也是不爭的事實。
互聯網被利用作為政治監控，不僅侵害了公民透過網絡行使言論自由的基本人權，而網絡警察對互聯網虎視眈眈，也必然窒礙了公民在網絡世界自由奔放地表達。目前內地諸多禁忌，動輒得咎的互聯網氛圍，無助於擴闊公民的視野和提升素質，而互聯網世界亟需的創意，也在囿於框框之下難以激發出來。這種情局限了人民發展，戕害整體國民競爭力，最終是國家要付出落後於人的沉重代價。
「第二次改革開放」
讓人民的思想徹底解放
31年前，內地實行改革開放，解開對人民的束縛，聰明勤奮的中國人民在正確政策底下，創造了一個經濟奇蹟。互聯網是一個需要思想自由奔放的舞台，只要內地當局向當年鄧小平的改革開放取經，在互聯網世界實施改革開放，以中國人民的聰明智慧，在恰當的政策底下，3年之後達到6億中國網民所迸發出來的創造力，肯定是推動國家發展的一股強大力量。
容讓網絡言論自由，不僅可以洗脫侵害人權和自由的污名，還可以進一步解放人民的思想束縛，提升國家的競爭力，使國家建設得更強大。因此，寬容善待網絡言論自由，可視為「第二次改革開放」。若當今的中國領導人有智慧和魄力，讓人民利用互聯網充分發揮聰明才智，則中國的發展不但難以估量，更會是一個使全球尊重和欽羨的國家。
明報
2009-10-09
社評
包括作家、學者和律師在內的內地知識界15人，昨日聯署在互聯網發表《網絡人權宣言》（下稱《宣言》），呼籲當局尊重公民的網絡言論自由。《宣言》所表述的理念，並無新意，離不開一般要求言論自由的窠臼，但是在內地當局對網絡控制嚴密之下，他們提出這個《宣言》，仍要頗大勇氣。我們希望當局首先不要打壓《宣言》的發起人，而是寬容善待網絡言論自由，使之成為推動國家社會建設和發展的積極力量。
互聯網是推進文明的工具
思想閉塞將在競爭中吃虧
《宣言》認為現在是網絡公民傳播時代，網絡公民合法地發表言論、報道真相，是行使公民權利，不應受到超出法律範圍以外的審查和干擾，發表意見應有免於恐懼的自由和權利。當局應尊重採訪發表權及編輯權，而網民亦應擁有匿名表達權、網絡資訊搜索權等。《宣言》所提到的理念和具體訴求，在中國大陸以外的許多國家和地區已是理所當然的事，只是在內地，當局在網絡審查的範圍、力度和標準，有別於大多數國家和地區，互聯網成為控制言論自由的工具。
全球互聯網有40年的歷史，中國互聯網則是15年前才開始發展，其啟動較晚，但是發展迅猛。據中國互聯網信息中心的發布顯示，到今年6月底，中國網民規模達到3.38億，已經超過美國的人口總數，網民數量居全球第一，然而中國互聯網普及率只有25.5%，遠遠落後於美國80%的比例，中國互聯網還有巨大的發展空間。有人預測3年後中國網民將達到6億，這一數字將是美國、英國等6個發達國家網民數量的總和。
互聯網把全球人口緊密地聯結起來，人類的每一個行為已經離不開它，《宣言》說互聯網給人類社會帶來的革命性變化和進步，「無異於遠古時代的鐵與火、與輪對文明進程的影響」。這個論斷，符合互聯網所擔負的角色和起到的作用。正如其他推進文明的發明一樣，個人、族群以至國家，誰能夠更善於利用推進文明的工具，就可以在激烈的競爭中脫穎而出。互聯網就是這類性質的工具。
全球人類正在使用互聯網，一方面是交流接觸，另一方面也在透過互聯網競賽，判出優勝劣敗。這樣的競爭形態，開放的寬緊程度縱非決定性因素，肯定也是重要因素。一個閉塞社會的人民，在互聯網世界中遇到開放自由的對手，就會很吃虧。
互聯網帶來資訊爆炸，好的或壞的資訊宛如泥沙俱下，一些國家地區對於互聯網上例如色情資訊等，都有一定程度的審查限制。內地執法部門多年前已構築所謂「金盾工程」，或俗稱「防火長城」的網絡審查系統，但是內地網路審查目的和標準，並非單純為了保護兒童與維護社會安全，而是一部分為了封鎖新聞言論，並侵犯了言論自由和基本人權。
內地異見人士被拘捕、監禁，當局以他們在互聯網發表的言論、文章，為「罪證」，胡佳、劉曉波、譚作人等等盡皆如是。因此，內地網絡警察確有藉監察互聯網，把刑事案件犯罪分子繩之於法，收效也顯著；但是，網絡警察藉互聯網監控異見人士，把互聯網視為政治控制的平台，進而逼害異見人士，也是不爭的事實。
互聯網被利用作為政治監控，不僅侵害了公民透過網絡行使言論自由的基本人權，而網絡警察對互聯網虎視眈眈，也必然窒礙了公民在網絡世界自由奔放地表達。目前內地諸多禁忌，動輒得咎的互聯網氛圍，無助於擴闊公民的視野和提升素質，而互聯網世界亟需的創意，也在囿於框框之下難以激發出來。這種情局限了人民發展，戕害整體國民競爭力，最終是國家要付出落後於人的沉重代價。
「第二次改革開放」
讓人民的思想徹底解放
31年前，內地實行改革開放，解開對人民的束縛，聰明勤奮的中國人民在正確政策底下，創造了一個經濟奇蹟。互聯網是一個需要思想自由奔放的舞台，只要內地當局向當年鄧小平的改革開放取經，在互聯網世界實施改革開放，以中國人民的聰明智慧，在恰當的政策底下，3年之後達到6億中國網民所迸發出來的創造力，肯定是推動國家發展的一股強大力量。
容讓網絡言論自由，不僅可以洗脫侵害人權和自由的污名，還可以進一步解放人民的思想束縛，提升國家的競爭力，使國家建設得更強大。因此，寬容善待網絡言論自由，可視為「第二次改革開放」。若當今的中國領導人有智慧和魄力，讓人民利用互聯網充分發揮聰明才智，則中國的發展不但難以估量，更會是一個使全球尊重和欽羨的國家。
2009年10月7日 星期三
手機愛國主義
世紀D06
明報
于婷2009-10-07
世紀人文動線
十一當天，電視整日播放北京的閱兵儀式、巡遊慶典、歌星（扮）民族演唱……香港代表，當然有「大哥」影星成龍與內地「紅旗歌手」劉媛媛合唱《國家》，既有聲又有畫地以手語壓軸演繹： 「一心裝滿國，一手撐起家，家是最小國，國是千萬家……」不認識這首新愛國歌？這是由得過柏林電影節最佳電影配樂銀熊獎的香港音樂人金培達，配以他在去年京奧時合作的詞人王久平，曲詞相配而成，早在今年3 月已經流傳，內地可謂人人熟悉。不過也許官方仍然覺得人民未夠認識這首新愛國歌？內地手機通訊供應商在國慶日的前夕，已經自動自覺為用戶，將來電接駁鈴聲轉為《國家》，《紐約時報》稱之為「手機上的愛國主義特色」。
由國家擁有的「中國移動」表示， 「這是給予顧客的禮物」，也適合互相祝福送贈之用。據《北京晨報》估計，單在北京地區已有600 萬用戶使用這個接駁鈴聲。有的是因利乘便，由電訊商自動調整為預設鈴聲，亦有客戶主動上網下載。畢竟這是免費的，而且從國慶日至本月31 日，都是中國移動預設項目。免費使用期還達半年！也許內地同胞晚上睡覺也都會吟唱新歌了。
假如聽厭了怎辦？ 「中國移動」指用戶仍然可以免費在網站上選擇其他歌作接駁鈴聲。還有什麼選擇？包括「經典老歌」新翻唱、奧運童星楊沛宜的《歌唱祖國》便是下載榜首，此外還有《紅旗飄飄》、《春天的故事》等等， 實在是首首火紅愛國心。
不但有歌，而且有影像。中國政府亦已應用手機上的多媒體科技，推出名為「輝煌60 年」手機視頻專輯，與中央電視台、中央人民廣播電台、人民網等等合作，推出「大閱兵」直播、「我播中國」等等專題節目，還涵蓋多個領域，包括大熱的戲劇《建國大業》、文藝節目《動畫印記》、教共和國有驕傲成就的《體壇人物志》、《經濟大飛躍》，連《娛樂圈60 年》亦有此單元。
北京科技大學經濟學教授許星斗對此舉就很反感， 「現在這樣勞師動眾地灌輸意識形態，讓我覺得政府好像以為國人都是不愛國的，甚至是有精神上出毛病的，所以才要強迫人們接受愛國教育。」
明報
于婷2009-10-07
世紀人文動線
十一當天，電視整日播放北京的閱兵儀式、巡遊慶典、歌星（扮）民族演唱……香港代表，當然有「大哥」影星成龍與內地「紅旗歌手」劉媛媛合唱《國家》，既有聲又有畫地以手語壓軸演繹： 「一心裝滿國，一手撐起家，家是最小國，國是千萬家……」不認識這首新愛國歌？這是由得過柏林電影節最佳電影配樂銀熊獎的香港音樂人金培達，配以他在去年京奧時合作的詞人王久平，曲詞相配而成，早在今年3 月已經流傳，內地可謂人人熟悉。不過也許官方仍然覺得人民未夠認識這首新愛國歌？內地手機通訊供應商在國慶日的前夕，已經自動自覺為用戶，將來電接駁鈴聲轉為《國家》，《紐約時報》稱之為「手機上的愛國主義特色」。
由國家擁有的「中國移動」表示， 「這是給予顧客的禮物」，也適合互相祝福送贈之用。據《北京晨報》估計，單在北京地區已有600 萬用戶使用這個接駁鈴聲。有的是因利乘便，由電訊商自動調整為預設鈴聲，亦有客戶主動上網下載。畢竟這是免費的，而且從國慶日至本月31 日，都是中國移動預設項目。免費使用期還達半年！也許內地同胞晚上睡覺也都會吟唱新歌了。
假如聽厭了怎辦？ 「中國移動」指用戶仍然可以免費在網站上選擇其他歌作接駁鈴聲。還有什麼選擇？包括「經典老歌」新翻唱、奧運童星楊沛宜的《歌唱祖國》便是下載榜首，此外還有《紅旗飄飄》、《春天的故事》等等， 實在是首首火紅愛國心。
不但有歌，而且有影像。中國政府亦已應用手機上的多媒體科技，推出名為「輝煌60 年」手機視頻專輯，與中央電視台、中央人民廣播電台、人民網等等合作，推出「大閱兵」直播、「我播中國」等等專題節目，還涵蓋多個領域，包括大熱的戲劇《建國大業》、文藝節目《動畫印記》、教共和國有驕傲成就的《體壇人物志》、《經濟大飛躍》，連《娛樂圈60 年》亦有此單元。
北京科技大學經濟學教授許星斗對此舉就很反感， 「現在這樣勞師動眾地灌輸意識形態，讓我覺得政府好像以為國人都是不愛國的，甚至是有精神上出毛病的，所以才要強迫人們接受愛國教育。」
Nobel prize goes to HK scientist
interesting report, pay attention to how Kao is depicted as a HKer.
EDTEDT1,EDT2
南華早報
Alex Lo and Phyllis Tsang2009-10-07
headline
Fibre optics expert wins physics award
When Charles Kao Kuen first proposed his revolutionary idea about fibre-optic communications more than four decades ago, he was laughed at and ignored. Today, the technology underpins the information superhighway and makes the internet possible. For his pivotal contribution, he became the first Hong Kong scientist to be awarded the Nobel Prize in physics yesterday.
The retired head of the Chinese University shares the prize with two Americans, Willard Boyle and George Smith, for their pioneering work on semiconductors and digital imaging. Kao, 75, will receive half the prize money, about US$500,000, while his US counterparts will split the rest.
"[Kao's] groundbreaking achievements concerning the transmission of light in fibres for optical communication, has shaped the foundations of today's networked societies," the Nobel jury said in a statement.
"If we were to unravel all of the glass fibres that wind around the globe, we would get a single thread over one billion kilometres long - which is enough to encircle the globe more than 25,000 times - and is increasing by thousands of kilometres every hour.
"[Kao's discovery means] text, music, images and video can be transferred around the globe in a split second."
Kao and his family are out of the city. In a statement released by Chinese University last night, Kao said: "I am absolutely speechless and never expected such an honour. The Nobel has never been given out for applied sciences before. This is very, very unexpected. Fibre optics has changed the world of information so much in these last forty years. It certainly is due to the fibre-optical networks that the news has travelled so fast."
Meanwhile, hopes are high that dissident mainland poet and perennial Nobel contender Bei Dao will finally win the literature prize this year, to be announced tomorrow. And activist Hu Jia, now serving 3?years in prison in Beijing for subversion, has been nominated for this year's peace prize, which will be announced on Friday.
Celebrated for decades as "the father of fibre optics", Kao has been a longtime proponent of making Hong Kong a knowledge-based economy and education reforms to secure the city's economic future and competitiveness.
Tributes flowed last night to congratulate Kao on being awarded science's most prestigious prize.
Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen said: "The Hong Kong people and I extend our heartfelt congratulations to Professor Kao on receiving the honour. An outstanding scientist aside, Professor Kao is a true gentleman and a committed educator. We are immensely proud to have such an eminent figure in Hong Kong."
Chinese University vice-chancellor, Professor Lawrence Lau Juen-yee, said: "This is an honour to Chinese University, Hong Kong and all Chinese."
Hong Kong University of Science and Technology president, Professor Tony Chan Fan-cheong, said the award was well-deserved. "This is fantastic. He is a truly Hong Kong home-grown scientific giant."
Kao graduated from St Joseph's College in Mid-levels in 1952. He went to London to study electrical engineering and received a doctorate in the field in 1965. As a young researcher in 1960s London, Kao competed with some of the most talented engineers of the time on how to transmit large amounts of information over long distances without losing too much data. Systems using microwaves, lasers and other mediums were proposed. In 1966, Kao and research partner George Hockham presented a landmark paper proposing the use of optical fibres to transmit data through light pulses while maintaining high fidelity.
Their idea was elegant, ground-breaking and cost-effective: strands of glass fibres thinner than human hair and cheaper to produce than fishing line could transmit near-limitless amounts of digitised information. It was laughed at, however, by much of the engineering community, which looked on the pair with a high degree of scepticism.
The reaction was not just entrenched arrogance directed at two upstarts. Rather, manufacturing standards at the time limited the distance over which fibre optics could carry light. Light pulses could travel only a few metres before losing signal strength and therefore the data.
Kao's central insight was that the loss of data was due to impurities in the fibres. Once these imperfections were removed, there should be no limits on how far data could be sent without losing signals. In 1970, manufacturers made their first breakthrough in making fibres so pure they could turn Kao's dream into reality. Almost overnight, the engineering community embraced the visionary proposal it had initially scorned.
The Chinese University scored a major coup in the early 1980s when it lured Kao from prestigious research posts in Britain and the US to become a full-time engineering professor at its Sha Tin campus. He headed the university as vice-chancellor from 1987 to 1996. During his tenure, he helped turn the university into a powerhouse in engineering and science, a field long dominated by the much-older University of Hong Kong.
After he left academic life, Kao continued to promote science and technology as a means to transform Hong Kong's economy. He did this through his own company that specialised in technology transfer, as well as being non-executive director of several hi-tech companies.
He also supported education reform and helped found the ISF Academy, an independent primary and secondary school in Pok Fu Lam that combines the best practices of international schools with an emphasis on teaching the Chinese language and culture. Since last year, however, he has given up all his official posts.
Kao's wife, Wong May-wan, confirmed early this year that the Shanghai-born scientist was suffering from Alzheimer's disease.
In a 2006 interview with the BBC, Kao recalled the excitement he felt with his breakthrough research on fibre optics despite intense scepticism from his peers. "I only hope that my opening of the 'Pandora's box' will bring much joy to the world and not the reverse," he said.
EDTEDT1,EDT2
南華早報
Alex Lo and Phyllis Tsang2009-10-07
headline
Fibre optics expert wins physics award
When Charles Kao Kuen first proposed his revolutionary idea about fibre-optic communications more than four decades ago, he was laughed at and ignored. Today, the technology underpins the information superhighway and makes the internet possible. For his pivotal contribution, he became the first Hong Kong scientist to be awarded the Nobel Prize in physics yesterday.
The retired head of the Chinese University shares the prize with two Americans, Willard Boyle and George Smith, for their pioneering work on semiconductors and digital imaging. Kao, 75, will receive half the prize money, about US$500,000, while his US counterparts will split the rest.
"[Kao's] groundbreaking achievements concerning the transmission of light in fibres for optical communication, has shaped the foundations of today's networked societies," the Nobel jury said in a statement.
"If we were to unravel all of the glass fibres that wind around the globe, we would get a single thread over one billion kilometres long - which is enough to encircle the globe more than 25,000 times - and is increasing by thousands of kilometres every hour.
"[Kao's discovery means] text, music, images and video can be transferred around the globe in a split second."
Kao and his family are out of the city. In a statement released by Chinese University last night, Kao said: "I am absolutely speechless and never expected such an honour. The Nobel has never been given out for applied sciences before. This is very, very unexpected. Fibre optics has changed the world of information so much in these last forty years. It certainly is due to the fibre-optical networks that the news has travelled so fast."
Meanwhile, hopes are high that dissident mainland poet and perennial Nobel contender Bei Dao will finally win the literature prize this year, to be announced tomorrow. And activist Hu Jia, now serving 3?years in prison in Beijing for subversion, has been nominated for this year's peace prize, which will be announced on Friday.
Celebrated for decades as "the father of fibre optics", Kao has been a longtime proponent of making Hong Kong a knowledge-based economy and education reforms to secure the city's economic future and competitiveness.
Tributes flowed last night to congratulate Kao on being awarded science's most prestigious prize.
Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen said: "The Hong Kong people and I extend our heartfelt congratulations to Professor Kao on receiving the honour. An outstanding scientist aside, Professor Kao is a true gentleman and a committed educator. We are immensely proud to have such an eminent figure in Hong Kong."
Chinese University vice-chancellor, Professor Lawrence Lau Juen-yee, said: "This is an honour to Chinese University, Hong Kong and all Chinese."
Hong Kong University of Science and Technology president, Professor Tony Chan Fan-cheong, said the award was well-deserved. "This is fantastic. He is a truly Hong Kong home-grown scientific giant."
Kao graduated from St Joseph's College in Mid-levels in 1952. He went to London to study electrical engineering and received a doctorate in the field in 1965. As a young researcher in 1960s London, Kao competed with some of the most talented engineers of the time on how to transmit large amounts of information over long distances without losing too much data. Systems using microwaves, lasers and other mediums were proposed. In 1966, Kao and research partner George Hockham presented a landmark paper proposing the use of optical fibres to transmit data through light pulses while maintaining high fidelity.
Their idea was elegant, ground-breaking and cost-effective: strands of glass fibres thinner than human hair and cheaper to produce than fishing line could transmit near-limitless amounts of digitised information. It was laughed at, however, by much of the engineering community, which looked on the pair with a high degree of scepticism.
The reaction was not just entrenched arrogance directed at two upstarts. Rather, manufacturing standards at the time limited the distance over which fibre optics could carry light. Light pulses could travel only a few metres before losing signal strength and therefore the data.
Kao's central insight was that the loss of data was due to impurities in the fibres. Once these imperfections were removed, there should be no limits on how far data could be sent without losing signals. In 1970, manufacturers made their first breakthrough in making fibres so pure they could turn Kao's dream into reality. Almost overnight, the engineering community embraced the visionary proposal it had initially scorned.
The Chinese University scored a major coup in the early 1980s when it lured Kao from prestigious research posts in Britain and the US to become a full-time engineering professor at its Sha Tin campus. He headed the university as vice-chancellor from 1987 to 1996. During his tenure, he helped turn the university into a powerhouse in engineering and science, a field long dominated by the much-older University of Hong Kong.
After he left academic life, Kao continued to promote science and technology as a means to transform Hong Kong's economy. He did this through his own company that specialised in technology transfer, as well as being non-executive director of several hi-tech companies.
He also supported education reform and helped found the ISF Academy, an independent primary and secondary school in Pok Fu Lam that combines the best practices of international schools with an emphasis on teaching the Chinese language and culture. Since last year, however, he has given up all his official posts.
Kao's wife, Wong May-wan, confirmed early this year that the Shanghai-born scientist was suffering from Alzheimer's disease.
In a 2006 interview with the BBC, Kao recalled the excitement he felt with his breakthrough research on fibre optics despite intense scepticism from his peers. "I only hope that my opening of the 'Pandora's box' will bring much joy to the world and not the reverse," he said.
2009年10月3日 星期六
蘋論：沒有了「人民」的慶典
專欄專論A08
蘋果日報
李怡2009-10-03
社評
胡錦濤檢閱各兵種時，眾兵齊聲多次呼喊「為人民服務」。看完直播後，筆者最大的感觸是在這個中華人民共和國「國慶」盛典中，看不到「人民」。
中央電視台拍下從空中鳥瞰天安門與周圍情景的鏡頭。看到北京的高樓大廈，寬闊街道。然而，多條街道都沒有車輛，也不見行人，屋宇天台與窗前空無人跡。在外國，遇有大遊行，常見街道、屋頂、露台擠滿了看熱鬧的人。北京大巡遊，「人民」到哪裏去了？
博訊網頁刊出多幅北京大遊行時街道的照片，幾乎所有街道，都只見公安、武警，又或是參加完遊行後有秩序散去的人群。北京市民都不見了，他們都不走出門去看熱鬧了。這是專權政治下人民生活的寫照。
不錯，你可以說「人民」在遊行隊伍中，一個個方陣除了有軍隊，還有工人、農民、學生。但那些都不是普通人民，他們是「人民」的代表。而且，不是由老百姓選出來的，而是中共黨遴選的代表。就像去年奧運56個中國民族出場一樣，幾乎所有穿上少數民族服裝的孩子都是漢人扮的。這次大巡遊的台灣花車，也不是台灣貢獻而是北京越俎代庖自製的。因此，方陣上的「人民」不是真正的人民。
被挑選出來的方陣的「人民」，也有笑容。既是被選中，也不能說他們的笑容是假的。但如果我們回想25年前，1984年大巡遊時，一些民眾自發地舉「小平，您好」的標語牌，他們的笑容恐怕才真正自然和發自內心，而他們才是真正的而不是被挑選的「人民」。
大陸知名博客楊恒均，前天在網上一篇文章說，他身在澳洲，同時在電腦上看CCTV大檢閱直播和電視上CNN直播，他發現，CCTV的直播比CNN的直播晚了30秒鐘。比如說，當CNN直播的儀仗隊已走到金水橋了，電腦上CCTV的儀仗隊才剛剛出來。他認為，晚半分鐘是非同小可的事。CNN的直播可以說見證歷史，而CCTV的直播其實只是看表演。當然，晚半分鐘，同樣場景，我們不會覺得有甚麼損失。但如果真有甚麼意外發生，經CCTV的編輯審查後大陸人民都無法看到。因此，晚半分鐘意味大陸人民只能看到掌權者允許他們看的東西，這半分鐘，正顯示了掌權者在沒有人民參與的國慶節日，既不相信人民，也害怕人民。這與人民不相信官員也害怕官員，是相互的。
人們對大閱兵最大的驚嘆是「整齊劃一」。這整齊劃一，尤其是女兵和女民兵們，所構成的美感，是賞心悅目的。然而，當想到整齊是由一個又一個的個人所組成，而他們本來都是和我們每一個人一樣，是自由行動的人，只不過為了取悅掌權者才經地獄式訓練而變成個人的消失，變成集體之一員，變成方陣中的一角。而這種「集體主義」，絕不同於西方福利國家的任何施政均以全民利益為考量的「集體主義」，而是為專權政治所用的集體主義，是抹煞了個人的集體主義。想到這一點，我們還會覺得那是美嗎？
在坦克駛過天安門時，筆者想到的，是六四王維林隻身擋坦克的畫面，那才是真正的英雄人民，真正的個人，真正的悲壯之美。如果王維林是我們的民族精神，筆者會以身為這民族的一員而驕傲。
在大檢閱中，這種人民不存在了，連普通人民也消失了。掌權者的統治意識，不是以民為本，而是在剝削百姓的廉價勞力、透支資源、戕害生態之下發展經濟，然後分一點殘給屁民，使他們不思造反。
曾特首觀禮後昨日回港。離京前他談到拜會中央各部門，談的都是經濟發展。其中他提到拜會公安部，談毒品輸港與非法入境問題。顯然他沒有向公安部提出香港記者在大陸被毆打的事。而這是他不久前曾說過要表達的關注。他已經與北京掌權者同調，只講經濟發展而漠視了人，尤其是人的權利。而人的權利，才是最值得珍貴的
蘋果日報
李怡2009-10-03
社評
胡錦濤檢閱各兵種時，眾兵齊聲多次呼喊「為人民服務」。看完直播後，筆者最大的感觸是在這個中華人民共和國「國慶」盛典中，看不到「人民」。
中央電視台拍下從空中鳥瞰天安門與周圍情景的鏡頭。看到北京的高樓大廈，寬闊街道。然而，多條街道都沒有車輛，也不見行人，屋宇天台與窗前空無人跡。在外國，遇有大遊行，常見街道、屋頂、露台擠滿了看熱鬧的人。北京大巡遊，「人民」到哪裏去了？
博訊網頁刊出多幅北京大遊行時街道的照片，幾乎所有街道，都只見公安、武警，又或是參加完遊行後有秩序散去的人群。北京市民都不見了，他們都不走出門去看熱鬧了。這是專權政治下人民生活的寫照。
不錯，你可以說「人民」在遊行隊伍中，一個個方陣除了有軍隊，還有工人、農民、學生。但那些都不是普通人民，他們是「人民」的代表。而且，不是由老百姓選出來的，而是中共黨遴選的代表。就像去年奧運56個中國民族出場一樣，幾乎所有穿上少數民族服裝的孩子都是漢人扮的。這次大巡遊的台灣花車，也不是台灣貢獻而是北京越俎代庖自製的。因此，方陣上的「人民」不是真正的人民。
被挑選出來的方陣的「人民」，也有笑容。既是被選中，也不能說他們的笑容是假的。但如果我們回想25年前，1984年大巡遊時，一些民眾自發地舉「小平，您好」的標語牌，他們的笑容恐怕才真正自然和發自內心，而他們才是真正的而不是被挑選的「人民」。
大陸知名博客楊恒均，前天在網上一篇文章說，他身在澳洲，同時在電腦上看CCTV大檢閱直播和電視上CNN直播，他發現，CCTV的直播比CNN的直播晚了30秒鐘。比如說，當CNN直播的儀仗隊已走到金水橋了，電腦上CCTV的儀仗隊才剛剛出來。他認為，晚半分鐘是非同小可的事。CNN的直播可以說見證歷史，而CCTV的直播其實只是看表演。當然，晚半分鐘，同樣場景，我們不會覺得有甚麼損失。但如果真有甚麼意外發生，經CCTV的編輯審查後大陸人民都無法看到。因此，晚半分鐘意味大陸人民只能看到掌權者允許他們看的東西，這半分鐘，正顯示了掌權者在沒有人民參與的國慶節日，既不相信人民，也害怕人民。這與人民不相信官員也害怕官員，是相互的。
人們對大閱兵最大的驚嘆是「整齊劃一」。這整齊劃一，尤其是女兵和女民兵們，所構成的美感，是賞心悅目的。然而，當想到整齊是由一個又一個的個人所組成，而他們本來都是和我們每一個人一樣，是自由行動的人，只不過為了取悅掌權者才經地獄式訓練而變成個人的消失，變成集體之一員，變成方陣中的一角。而這種「集體主義」，絕不同於西方福利國家的任何施政均以全民利益為考量的「集體主義」，而是為專權政治所用的集體主義，是抹煞了個人的集體主義。想到這一點，我們還會覺得那是美嗎？
在坦克駛過天安門時，筆者想到的，是六四王維林隻身擋坦克的畫面，那才是真正的英雄人民，真正的個人，真正的悲壯之美。如果王維林是我們的民族精神，筆者會以身為這民族的一員而驕傲。
在大檢閱中，這種人民不存在了，連普通人民也消失了。掌權者的統治意識，不是以民為本，而是在剝削百姓的廉價勞力、透支資源、戕害生態之下發展經濟，然後分一點殘給屁民，使他們不思造反。
曾特首觀禮後昨日回港。離京前他談到拜會中央各部門，談的都是經濟發展。其中他提到拜會公安部，談毒品輸港與非法入境問題。顯然他沒有向公安部提出香港記者在大陸被毆打的事。而這是他不久前曾說過要表達的關注。他已經與北京掌權者同調，只講經濟發展而漠視了人，尤其是人的權利。而人的權利，才是最值得珍貴的
2009年10月1日 星期四
退而不休權鬥不息 十．一大典明恰胡錦濤江澤民辛苦了
要聞A01
蘋果日報
2009-10-02
頭條
【本報訊】中共建政60周年慶典昨日在北京舉行。這場本應是中共第四代領導人胡錦濤顯示權力的活動，卻被退位多年的第三代領導人江澤民搶盡風頭，「明恰」（即欺負之意）胡錦濤。他不但在天安門城樓上與胡並列閱兵，晚上群眾聯歡時，再次與胡同台登場，並獲官方媒體突出報道。中共前總書記趙紫陽的秘書鮑彤指，這是中共的權力的傳統。中宣部前新聞局長鍾沛璋也認為，這顯示江在中共黨內仍有重要影響力。中共權鬥未息。
按中共建政後歷次重大的慶典閱兵的傳統，中央軍委主席才是慶典閱兵的主角。但這次建政60周年閱兵，已任中央軍委主席多年的胡錦濤卻被江澤民強搶風頭。昨日上午10時，當十．一慶典正式開始，中共領導人從天安門城樓上的休息廳魚貫而出時，外界從官方中央電視台現場轉播中看到，第一位走出來的是身兼中共總書記、國家主席和中央軍委主席的胡錦濤，而緊隨其後的，居然是已退位多年的江澤民。江雖精神飽滿，但卻步履蹣跚，踏下台階時，居然要一名部下彎腰屈膝、收拳伸出右臂，做出一個封建時代常見的「扶君下樓」動作，助他邁步。
中央電視台拍攝領導人畫面時，江澤民出鏡的時間僅次於胡錦濤，且遠遠大於其他八位現任中共政治局常委。據統計，央視的現場直播中，江共出鏡22次，有6次是與胡一同出鏡；江的表情更多的是矜持，而胡更多是拘謹。全國人大委員長吳邦國不時隔胡，與江交談；而在江身旁的總理溫家寶，則罕見與江搭話。
83高齡仍為權力拼搏
昨晚天安門廣場的大聯歡，江澤民與胡錦濤再度現身天安門城樓觀看，之後又一同下樓走入人群中，與民同舞，獲央視同等大事報道。全日官方活動，江與胡如影隨形，胡走到哪裏，江就跟到哪裏。有內地網民指，胡錦濤閱兵時頻頻高呼「同志們辛苦了」，其實更辛苦的應是83歲高齡的江澤民，為了權力，如此拼搏。官方新華社昨發佈領導人的照片，除胡錦濤可享單人照，另就是兩張江澤民與胡錦濤「並列檢閱」的照片，但其他中共政要，無論是第四代還是第三代，均無緣享受此待遇。1989年因六四事件下台的鮑彤，昨接受本報記者電話訪問時指，江澤民與胡錦濤同時出現在這個本應是胡顯示權力的場合，並享受媒體突出報道，「反映了統治者要以這種方式，將權力代代相傳。」鮑彤指，大閱兵沒有反映89年六四解放軍鎮壓民運的那段歷史，顯示中共當局不敢正視這段被世人譴責的歷史。
質疑有兩個權力中心
鮑彤還指，中共想通過這次大閱兵對外宣揚一個重要理念，即所謂中國成就和中國模式，特別是中國模式，正引起不少國家的關注研究，他說：「中國是被一個有7,000萬黨員、實行獨裁和專制政黨統治的國家，如果有人眼熱中國的經濟成就，想引入中國模式，首先就要引入共產黨，實行獨裁統治，那才是精髓所在。」原中共中央宣傳部新聞局局長鍾沛璋昨也對本報表示，官方媒體對江澤民的高調報道，顯示他在中共黨內仍然具有不可忽視的重要影響力。而內地獨立學者朱建國表示，江澤民昨日的表現，令人質疑中國存在兩個權力中心，「你可以說胡錦濤這樣做是尊老，敬重前輩江澤民，但媒體對江的報道規格，顯然超出這個界限。唯一的解讀是，江澤民在中共黨內的影響力，令胡錦濤不得不敬畏，因而對他要奉若神明。」
蘋果日報
2009-10-02
頭條
【本報訊】中共建政60周年慶典昨日在北京舉行。這場本應是中共第四代領導人胡錦濤顯示權力的活動，卻被退位多年的第三代領導人江澤民搶盡風頭，「明恰」（即欺負之意）胡錦濤。他不但在天安門城樓上與胡並列閱兵，晚上群眾聯歡時，再次與胡同台登場，並獲官方媒體突出報道。中共前總書記趙紫陽的秘書鮑彤指，這是中共的權力的傳統。中宣部前新聞局長鍾沛璋也認為，這顯示江在中共黨內仍有重要影響力。中共權鬥未息。
按中共建政後歷次重大的慶典閱兵的傳統，中央軍委主席才是慶典閱兵的主角。但這次建政60周年閱兵，已任中央軍委主席多年的胡錦濤卻被江澤民強搶風頭。昨日上午10時，當十．一慶典正式開始，中共領導人從天安門城樓上的休息廳魚貫而出時，外界從官方中央電視台現場轉播中看到，第一位走出來的是身兼中共總書記、國家主席和中央軍委主席的胡錦濤，而緊隨其後的，居然是已退位多年的江澤民。江雖精神飽滿，但卻步履蹣跚，踏下台階時，居然要一名部下彎腰屈膝、收拳伸出右臂，做出一個封建時代常見的「扶君下樓」動作，助他邁步。
中央電視台拍攝領導人畫面時，江澤民出鏡的時間僅次於胡錦濤，且遠遠大於其他八位現任中共政治局常委。據統計，央視的現場直播中，江共出鏡22次，有6次是與胡一同出鏡；江的表情更多的是矜持，而胡更多是拘謹。全國人大委員長吳邦國不時隔胡，與江交談；而在江身旁的總理溫家寶，則罕見與江搭話。
83高齡仍為權力拼搏
昨晚天安門廣場的大聯歡，江澤民與胡錦濤再度現身天安門城樓觀看，之後又一同下樓走入人群中，與民同舞，獲央視同等大事報道。全日官方活動，江與胡如影隨形，胡走到哪裏，江就跟到哪裏。有內地網民指，胡錦濤閱兵時頻頻高呼「同志們辛苦了」，其實更辛苦的應是83歲高齡的江澤民，為了權力，如此拼搏。官方新華社昨發佈領導人的照片，除胡錦濤可享單人照，另就是兩張江澤民與胡錦濤「並列檢閱」的照片，但其他中共政要，無論是第四代還是第三代，均無緣享受此待遇。1989年因六四事件下台的鮑彤，昨接受本報記者電話訪問時指，江澤民與胡錦濤同時出現在這個本應是胡顯示權力的場合，並享受媒體突出報道，「反映了統治者要以這種方式，將權力代代相傳。」鮑彤指，大閱兵沒有反映89年六四解放軍鎮壓民運的那段歷史，顯示中共當局不敢正視這段被世人譴責的歷史。
質疑有兩個權力中心
鮑彤還指，中共想通過這次大閱兵對外宣揚一個重要理念，即所謂中國成就和中國模式，特別是中國模式，正引起不少國家的關注研究，他說：「中國是被一個有7,000萬黨員、實行獨裁和專制政黨統治的國家，如果有人眼熱中國的經濟成就，想引入中國模式，首先就要引入共產黨，實行獨裁統治，那才是精髓所在。」原中共中央宣傳部新聞局局長鍾沛璋昨也對本報表示，官方媒體對江澤民的高調報道，顯示他在中共黨內仍然具有不可忽視的重要影響力。而內地獨立學者朱建國表示，江澤民昨日的表現，令人質疑中國存在兩個權力中心，「你可以說胡錦濤這樣做是尊老，敬重前輩江澤民，但媒體對江的報道規格，顯然超出這個界限。唯一的解讀是，江澤民在中共黨內的影響力，令胡錦濤不得不敬畏，因而對他要奉若神明。」
Celebration that stopped the nation
A revealing case of media event's "function" in consolidating nationalism
see how the televised images are interpreted in the news report.
EDTEDT1,EDT3
南華早報
Cary Huang in Beijing2009-10-02
headline
Celebration that stopped the nation is Hu's crowning moment
People around the country tune in to watch China's big anniversary bash
Spectacular ceremonies mark crowning moment of president's political career
China celebrated 60 years of communist rule yesterday with a spectacular parade and extravagant pageantry to display the country's growing military and economic might and national pride.
While the nation's leaders and privileged guests attended the tightly guarded official celebration in Beijing, people around the country stopped to watch the event on television and celebrate the milestone in gatherings of friends and families.
Standing atop Tiananmen Gate - the spot from which Mao Zedong in 1949 proclaimed the birth of a "new China" - President Hu Jintao declared: "A socialist China that faces the future and the world is standing tall and firm in the East."
Yesterday's celebrations were designed to send a clear message that China has taken its place as a global power and to cement the authority and legitimacy of the Communist Party.
Presiding over the Republic's 60th birthday - an important year in Chinese culture that symbolises the beginning of a new era - was the crowning moment of Hu's political career.
The president was flanked by past and present leaders, including his predecessor Jiang, on Tiananmen Gate to view the proceedings. His portrait was raised high alongside those of Mao, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin for the first time in a National Day celebration.
Political analysts were surprised, however, that China Central Television showed almost as many close-up shots of Jiang as Hu. Some interpreted it as a sign that Jiang retains much influence despite his retirement.
Before his speech, Hu, dressed in a grey high-collared Mao suit, rode in a made-in-China Red Flag limousine, to review more than 8,000 troops.
"Greetings, comrades," Hu bellowed to the troops as his limousine drove past.
"Greetings, leader," the soldiers shouted back.
Watching the live broadcast of the ceremony, Beijing resident Guo Jiantang , 79, reflected how his life had changed in the past 60 years. The landlord-turned-communist said that despite his family's suffering in the early days of communist rule, the country would not be as good as it was today without the party.
Guo said he watched the 1984 National Day parade on a seven-inch black and white TV, and the 1999 parade on a 21-inch colour TV. This year, he watched in high-definition on a 42-inch plasma TV.
"I just can't help but feel extremely proud as a Chinese every time I watch the parades. It's not a showcase to the world, but rather a tribute to what we have been through and achieved in the past six decades," Guo said.
Hu Xingdou , a commentator with Beijing University of Technology, said yesterday was a crucial day for Hu. "The event has cemented Hu's status as one of the great communist leaders, alongside his three predecessors," he said.
In his speech, the president lauded China's achievements under communist rule. "The development and progress of the new China over the past 60 years fully proved that only socialism can save China, and only reform and opening up can ensure the development of China, socialism and Marxism," he said.
Celebrations began at 10am with the firing of a 60-cannon salute and a flag-raising ceremony involving 200 soldiers.
In a display of military might, the People's Liberation Army showed off its nuclear arsenal and intercontinental missiles. These included the DF-31A, China's first mobile nuclear intercontinental ballistic missle with a range of more than 11,000km - enough to hit the United States. "The PLA is sending a message to the United States that China has a longer-range counterstrike capability now," said Andrei Chang, chief editor of the Canada-based Kanwa Defence Review.
Security was tight in central Beijing as most residents were kept well way from the parade area.
After the armaments, 60 patriotic floats showcasing China's achievements rolled by. These included floats dedicated to everything from the Beijing Olympics to the manned space programme and ethnic unity. On the square, tens of thousands of students flipped coloured cards in unison to form symbolic images and spell out political slogans.
There were floats from each of China's provinces and regions, including Hong Kong and Macau, as well as the self-ruled and democratic Taiwan.
While Hong Kong marked the day with fireworks, a flag-raising ceremony and other events, Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen and his predecessor, Tung Chee-hwa, joined the nation's leaders on Tiananmen Gate.
In his speech, Hu said China had "scored great achievements that have attracted world attention in the past 60 years" as the nation had overcome difficulties and withstood various tests.
"At this festive and sublime moment, people of various nationalities [ethnic minorities] in the nation feel immense pride in the motherland's development and progress, and are full of confidence in the bright prospects of realising the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation," Hu said.
The president did not directly mention ethnic minority issues despite the ethnic riots in Tibet in March last year and deadly clashes in Xinjiang this summer.
However, solidarity of China's 56 ethnic groups was the theme of last night's grand gala in Tiananmen Square that featured what was touted as the world's largest ever fireworks display and performances by some of the nation's top singers and 60,000 dancers in colourful ethnic minority costumes.
During the gala the nine incumbent Politburo Standing Committee members and their predecessors walked down from Tiananmen Gate to join dancers on the square.
The symbolic image of Hu holding the hands of a Tibetan girl on one side and a Uygur girl on the other was broadcast nationwide.
Zhuang Jian , senior economist with the Asian Development Bank's China mission, said it was a day for Chinese people to celebrate the nation's great progress in economic development over the past 60 years, even though most achievements were made in the past three decades.
Sixty years ago China was one of the world's poorest countries. More than 90 per cent of the people lived in rural areas, and the economy was almost entirely agricultural. Last year, the country's gross domestic product exceeded 30 trillion yuan (HK$34.1 trillion), a more than 400-fold increase from a mere 67.9 billion yuan in 1952, and China is now the third largest economy in the world.
But Zhuang said China must address a series of issues before it could sustain its growth in the long term.
Political scientist Hu said the president's speech failed to mention political reform despite extolling "the magnificent goals of building a rich and strong, democratic, civilised, and harmonious and modern socialist country".
"Accomplishing the goal of bringing about a democratic, civilised and harmonious society is still a long way off for the Communist Party," he said.
see how the televised images are interpreted in the news report.
EDTEDT1,EDT3
南華早報
Cary Huang in Beijing2009-10-02
headline
Celebration that stopped the nation is Hu's crowning moment
People around the country tune in to watch China's big anniversary bash
Spectacular ceremonies mark crowning moment of president's political career
China celebrated 60 years of communist rule yesterday with a spectacular parade and extravagant pageantry to display the country's growing military and economic might and national pride.
While the nation's leaders and privileged guests attended the tightly guarded official celebration in Beijing, people around the country stopped to watch the event on television and celebrate the milestone in gatherings of friends and families.
Standing atop Tiananmen Gate - the spot from which Mao Zedong in 1949 proclaimed the birth of a "new China" - President Hu Jintao declared: "A socialist China that faces the future and the world is standing tall and firm in the East."
Yesterday's celebrations were designed to send a clear message that China has taken its place as a global power and to cement the authority and legitimacy of the Communist Party.
Presiding over the Republic's 60th birthday - an important year in Chinese culture that symbolises the beginning of a new era - was the crowning moment of Hu's political career.
The president was flanked by past and present leaders, including his predecessor Jiang, on Tiananmen Gate to view the proceedings. His portrait was raised high alongside those of Mao, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin for the first time in a National Day celebration.
Political analysts were surprised, however, that China Central Television showed almost as many close-up shots of Jiang as Hu. Some interpreted it as a sign that Jiang retains much influence despite his retirement.
Before his speech, Hu, dressed in a grey high-collared Mao suit, rode in a made-in-China Red Flag limousine, to review more than 8,000 troops.
"Greetings, comrades," Hu bellowed to the troops as his limousine drove past.
"Greetings, leader," the soldiers shouted back.
Watching the live broadcast of the ceremony, Beijing resident Guo Jiantang , 79, reflected how his life had changed in the past 60 years. The landlord-turned-communist said that despite his family's suffering in the early days of communist rule, the country would not be as good as it was today without the party.
Guo said he watched the 1984 National Day parade on a seven-inch black and white TV, and the 1999 parade on a 21-inch colour TV. This year, he watched in high-definition on a 42-inch plasma TV.
"I just can't help but feel extremely proud as a Chinese every time I watch the parades. It's not a showcase to the world, but rather a tribute to what we have been through and achieved in the past six decades," Guo said.
Hu Xingdou , a commentator with Beijing University of Technology, said yesterday was a crucial day for Hu. "The event has cemented Hu's status as one of the great communist leaders, alongside his three predecessors," he said.
In his speech, the president lauded China's achievements under communist rule. "The development and progress of the new China over the past 60 years fully proved that only socialism can save China, and only reform and opening up can ensure the development of China, socialism and Marxism," he said.
Celebrations began at 10am with the firing of a 60-cannon salute and a flag-raising ceremony involving 200 soldiers.
In a display of military might, the People's Liberation Army showed off its nuclear arsenal and intercontinental missiles. These included the DF-31A, China's first mobile nuclear intercontinental ballistic missle with a range of more than 11,000km - enough to hit the United States. "The PLA is sending a message to the United States that China has a longer-range counterstrike capability now," said Andrei Chang, chief editor of the Canada-based Kanwa Defence Review.
Security was tight in central Beijing as most residents were kept well way from the parade area.
After the armaments, 60 patriotic floats showcasing China's achievements rolled by. These included floats dedicated to everything from the Beijing Olympics to the manned space programme and ethnic unity. On the square, tens of thousands of students flipped coloured cards in unison to form symbolic images and spell out political slogans.
There were floats from each of China's provinces and regions, including Hong Kong and Macau, as well as the self-ruled and democratic Taiwan.
While Hong Kong marked the day with fireworks, a flag-raising ceremony and other events, Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen and his predecessor, Tung Chee-hwa, joined the nation's leaders on Tiananmen Gate.
In his speech, Hu said China had "scored great achievements that have attracted world attention in the past 60 years" as the nation had overcome difficulties and withstood various tests.
"At this festive and sublime moment, people of various nationalities [ethnic minorities] in the nation feel immense pride in the motherland's development and progress, and are full of confidence in the bright prospects of realising the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation," Hu said.
The president did not directly mention ethnic minority issues despite the ethnic riots in Tibet in March last year and deadly clashes in Xinjiang this summer.
However, solidarity of China's 56 ethnic groups was the theme of last night's grand gala in Tiananmen Square that featured what was touted as the world's largest ever fireworks display and performances by some of the nation's top singers and 60,000 dancers in colourful ethnic minority costumes.
During the gala the nine incumbent Politburo Standing Committee members and their predecessors walked down from Tiananmen Gate to join dancers on the square.
The symbolic image of Hu holding the hands of a Tibetan girl on one side and a Uygur girl on the other was broadcast nationwide.
Zhuang Jian , senior economist with the Asian Development Bank's China mission, said it was a day for Chinese people to celebrate the nation's great progress in economic development over the past 60 years, even though most achievements were made in the past three decades.
Sixty years ago China was one of the world's poorest countries. More than 90 per cent of the people lived in rural areas, and the economy was almost entirely agricultural. Last year, the country's gross domestic product exceeded 30 trillion yuan (HK$34.1 trillion), a more than 400-fold increase from a mere 67.9 billion yuan in 1952, and China is now the third largest economy in the world.
But Zhuang said China must address a series of issues before it could sustain its growth in the long term.
Political scientist Hu said the president's speech failed to mention political reform despite extolling "the magnificent goals of building a rich and strong, democratic, civilised, and harmonious and modern socialist country".
"Accomplishing the goal of bringing about a democratic, civilised and harmonious society is still a long way off for the Communist Party," he said.
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